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Daniel Ives | March 2025 | 20 min read

daniel_ives@iscte-iul.pt

Authenticity and Commodification: The Impact of Tourism on Indigenous Cultures

Introduction

In 2025 Greenland will open a new airport allowing for direct international flights to the country through North America and Europe (Boffey, 2024). This is the most recent expansion of tourism markets into areas with indigenous communities, being historically isolated from both the global and tourism economy the airport will likely have severe socioeconomic impacts on the country (Boffey, 2024). Greenland has one of the highest ratios of indigenous population globally, with 88.9 percent of the population classified as inuit (Jaouen, 2023). This essay will use the example of Peru in order to analyse the effect of the tourism economy on an indigenous culture. 

 

Peru has an established indigenous tourism economy, having a significantly growing tourism sector since the 1990’s (Statista, 2024). Tourism in the Peruvian-Amazon rainforest offers economic opportunities and cultural preservation, simultaneously raising significant concerns about the commodification of indigenous traditions, challenging the delicate balance between authenticity, autonomy, and the pressures of a globalized economy. 

 

This essay argues that tourism in the Peruvian Amazon both preserves and commodifies indigenous culture, creating a complex dynamic between economic necessity, cultural authenticity, and autonomy. The first section will cover general tourism experiences within Indigenous Peruvian Amazonian cultures, exploring how staged authenticity, neocolonial relationships and autonomy affect the control held by communities on their cultural practices and traditions. It will examine how tourism shapes the representation of Indigenous identities, balancing the preservation of cultural heritage with the pressures of market-driven performances designed to meet tourists' expectations. 

 

The second section will delve into Ayahuasca tourism, a growing subset of cultural tourism in the Peruvian Amazon that has sparked significant debate. This section will explore how Ayahuasca, traditionally a sacred practice deeply embedded in Indigenous spirituality, has been transformed into a commodified experience for Western tourists seeking personal transformation and authentic cultural encounters. It will analyze the implications of this commodification, including the distortion of spiritual practices, the rise of untrained or non-Indigenous facilitators, and the cultural appropriation that often sidelines Indigenous communities. Additionally, it will consider the economic and social pressures driving this phenomenon, highlighting the tensions between preserving the spiritual integrity of Ayahuasca ceremonies and catering to the demands of a competitive tourism market.

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Part 1: Tourism in Indigenous communities

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Tourism in the Peruvian Amazonian rainforest is a rapidly growing industry; seeing a fall resulting from the pandemic in 2019 and only recently recovering, there has been steady growth in tourism in this region since 1995 (Statista, 2024). It is the third largest industry in Peru, and 11 percent of the country's workforce is related to tourism employment in some way (Statista, 2024). Through organized tours, most tourists come into direct contact with Indigenous communities (Ingles, 2001). Some argue that this tourism economy provides an important income for these communities, others argue that it commodifies indigenous culture and threatens the future of indigenous peoples and nations.

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To engage in indigenous-centered tourism, visitors will travel to the city of Iquitos, the Peruvian capital of the Amazon, from which they can travel further down the Amazon river on guided tours. Such tours often include birdwatching, fishing, and visits to indigenous villages (Ingles, 2001).  As a result of the growth in Peruvian tourism, the ethnic groups Yagua, Boras, and Witoto have begun engaging in this economy, providing tourists entertainment practices such as traditional dances, costumes and selling handicrafts, etc (Ingles, 2001).

 

Historical Exploitation as the Framework for Modern Tourism

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Ingles (2001) argues that there is a significant variation in how and if Indigenous communities choose to participate in tourism. Further, even within ethnic groups, there is variation in who decides whether or not to participate in tourism. For example within the Yagua community, there are those who have moved to larger cities for work, while there are others who have had no contact with tourists.

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While exploitation has affected indigenous communities since the beginning of colonialism, it is important to understand the autonomy they still maintain over their traditions and cultures.

Ingles (2001, p.144)  writes, “For more than 400 years … contact with outsiders has most often been a losing proposition for indigenous peoples, resulting in loss of habitat, … culture, altered lifestyles, enslavement, disease, and death. Today, some indigenous communities continue to discourage outsiders, while others seek ways to actively participate in the tourism enterprise.”Historically, Western companies in the late 19th and early 20th centuries were in the Amazon in search of rubber for automobiles. The Peruvian government invited these companies in the hope that this would help expand their economy while simultaneously bringing civilization to the Peruvian Amazon (Córdova 2005).​

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Indigenous people were used as labour for these companies, often being kidnapped or forced into labour. These workers would be exploited through unethical work standards, through which their wages would be withheld, and unjust debt would be acquired, with those attempting escape being punished, resulting in the death of thousands of Indigenous peoples (Córdova 2005). The local Peruvian government turned a blind eye to exploitation based on the premise that indigenous peoples were a threat to the modernization of Peru.

 

Currently, the main threat to indigenous communities comes from logging and oil companies, which intrude on their land, causing dangerous oil spills and deforestation (Swenson et al., 2011). The primary ongoing debate related to this is the extent to which Indigenous communities should be consulted for consent for the use of their land. The colonial-style model of exploitation continues to threaten these communities today, and tourism is very much present within this threat (Ingles, 2001).In spite of this, indigenous communities are still the ones who decide if and to what extent they will participate in tourism. It is essential to keep in mind this autonomy and the historical and contemporary modes of exploitation when analyzing the role of performance within indigenous-centred tourism in the Amazon (Schalscha & Andrea, 2012).

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Authenticity within Indigenous Tourism

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Cohen (1988) argues that cultural and Indigenous tourism is driven by a ‘quest for authenticity.’ Cohen argues that literature on cultural commodification is limited by assumptions that tourism leads to commoditization, that commoditization destroys authenticity, and that staged authenticity thwarts tourists' desires for authentic experiences. "Tourism leads to commoditization," meaning that certain aspects of local life are turned into marketable goods, with a price placed on culturally significant elements (Cohen 1998 p.372).

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Cohen critiques this process, arguing that it changes the meaning of cultural products and of human relations, making them eventually meaningless. Commoditization destroys authenticity implies that when a culture is commodified, authenticity becomes replaced by performance, or a staged form of culture. Finally the idea that ‘staged authenticity thwarts tourists desire for authentic experience’ bases itself on the assumption that tourists are fooled by these performances thus leaving them satisfied with the idea they experienced authentic culture. These three ideas present a cycle of devaluation begun through tourists' desire for authenticity. While these ideas are not entirely absent within this process, it oversimplifies the diverse and complex interactions found between tourists, locals, culture and authenticity within the tourism economy. In essence, engaging in the idea that tourism will inevitably destroy culture for both the locals and tourists means ignoring the complex ways through which tourism interacts with culture (Cohen 1998).

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The aforementioned Indigenous communities engage in performances for tourists that centre around cultural symbolism and are designed with the expectation of tourists' imagined authenticity (Ingles, 2001). Performances include rhythmic movements, music through chants, or handmade instruments such as drums or flutes. The performers often wear vibrant costumes from natural materials (such as beads, feathers, or plant fibers), symbolizing the connection to the local cultural and natural heritage (Ingles, 2001). Performances may include demonstrations of specific skills such as blowgun hunting, weaving, beadwork, and any additional preparation of traditional crafts. In specific communities, there are staged dramatized depictions of mythical or historical events, portraying scenes of traditional hunting or ancestral rituals (Ingles, 2001). However, these presentations do not reflect the full complexity of life for the indigenous people and are tailored to the romanticized or stereotypical view held by tourists. Often, these performances are staged within designated areas within villages or in tourist-accessible areas, intentionally separating private aspects of community life from visitors (Ingles, 2001). Observing how Indigenous communities navigate within the modern economic system and tailor their culture to be marketable for tourism while maintaining a separation from their local cultural practices, the following section focuses on how Indigenous communities balance the preservation and commodification of culture.

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Indigenous Tourism: Cultural Commodification or Preservation?

Tourism can be observed as having benefits for Indigenous communities, helping preserve and carry cultural traditions for future generations, but through this mechanism of preservation, how does tourism negatively impact culture?

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While post-colonial theory is often applied to Indigenous tourism, presenting the practice as a colonization of the mind, others critique this as overly simplifying the intricate political, cultural and economic factors (Coronado, 2014). In order to analyze the interaction of indigenous communities and tourism Coronado (2014 p.14) presents a framework of ‘cultural control’, defined as “the system according to which the capacity of social decision over cultural elements is exercised”. Through this framework, we are able to understand how indigenous communities “have successfully engaged with market demands, selling their Orientalized cultures and still continuing to be shaped by the culture they regard as their own” (Coronado 2014 p,14).

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Through this interaction, Coronado describes processes such as the preservation of existing traditions, the reclamation of ancient traditions, and the adoption of new traditions. Many indigenous Peruvians will wear traditional clothing in front of tourists (revival of tradition), often they will teach traditional dances and ceremonies that may not have otherwise been practiced (preservation of tradition), or they might simplify ceremonies so that tourists can better participate (adoption of new tradition). Through this perspective, this relationship forms a type of colonial control over indigenous culture, as tourists and tourist companies have more influence on these practices than indigenous communities (Coronado 2014). 

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Control is forced by tourism because the main demand is paradoxical, simultaneously requesting authenticity along with a culture that is attractive to tourists. Schalscha and Andrea (2012) argue that this perspective does not adequately acknowledge the amount of autonomy maintained by indigenous communities over their perspective cultures. As previously stated, there are varying examples through which different communities decide to what extent or if they will participate in tourism. Schalscha and Andrea (2012) argue that while it may be paradoxical, it is possible for the coexistence of autonomy and exploitation.

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To understand the ‘recolonization’ occurring when Indigenous culture is commodified for tourism consumption, it is useful to understand the distinction between the ‘frontstage’ and 'backstage’ elements of tourism (MacCannell, 1973). Through this framework, one can perceive tourism as a ‘stage’ through which social settings are used as theater for people to play out roles. Through tourism, cultural representations are presented through “cultural norms and values and expectations of audience” (Simon, 2009 p.118). This categorizes the frontstage as the performance created for tourists and the backstage as the social, political, and historical factors that give this performance meaning.

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Put simply, the distinction between the two stages is the difference between the performance for the tourist and the actual life of the performer. Within this context there are several layers of performance to analyze, the primary and most simple layer is the difference between how indigenous communities appear to tourists and how they live when not in the presence of tourists.

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Indigenous communities are often compelled to adjust their ‘frontstage’ performances to match touristic expectations, which are often shaped by a romanticized or stereotypical Western view of Indigenous life (MacCannell, 1973). A tourist might witness the ‘frontstage’ of an indigenous community (wearing traditional attire, performing rituals and dances) that matches the idealized version of authenticity. These performances do not necessarily represent the complexity of indigenous life, in which modern synthetic clothing is worn, and non-traditional practices are equally present and important to their daily existence (Simon, 2009). Further, it is important to note that the ‘frontstage’ ‘backstage’ dynamic is not completely static, containing layers shaped by historical and economic contexts.

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These communities have experienced a history of persecution and exploitation. Tourism reinforces these dynamics by prioritizing the performance matching the Western ideal of authenticity, leaving little room for the local communities to challenge and reshape these narratives. This can be observed through examples such as the ‘certified Indigenous’ label used by tourism marketing, signaling authenticity while sidelining Indigenous realities. Through presenting these communities as timeless relics, communities become stuck between never being modern enough, or stuck in a romanticized past (Simon, 2009).

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Through this perspective, it is important to understand that while the frontstage may appear to have been created by indigenous communities voluntarily, most often, this is a result of the desperate economic situation faced by these communities. With ever-slowing rubber and hunting availability to supplement income, the backstage of Indigenous tourism is often more complex than it appears. Generally, indigenous communities in the Peruvian Amazon do not start to participate in tourism until the point that these alternative opportunities become unavailable, indicating that if these communities had access to alternative options, they may not have chosen to participate in tourism (Simon, 2009). Thus, while indigenous Amazonian communities are actively participating in the commodification of culture, the socioeconomic situation suggests that the move to tourism was based on the lack of opportunity for economic development. The presence of economic tourism has acted to fill an economic void, with Indigenous participation in tourism arising not from preference but necessity, with demand creating tension between preserving heritage and adapting to contemporary reality (Simon, 2009).

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To conclude, the relationship between indigenous communities and tourism is defined by the delicate balance between cultural preservation and commodification. While tourism can provide opportunities for preserving and revitalizing traditions, it also imposes external expectations that influence how cultures are expressed, often in order to align with the stereotypical notions of authenticity. This dynamic created by economic necessity and external demand complicates the notion of autonomy indigenous communities preserve. Indigenous communities may embrace tourism as a means to survive, but this comes with the cost of negotiating their identity to the confines of the tourist gaze.

The tension between adapting to economic pressure and preserving cultural heritage creates a complex and paradoxical relationship for Indigenous engagement with tourism, where survival in the modern economic system necessitates a performance of authenticity that may not necessarily reflect the reality of these lived communities.

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Part 2: Ayahuasca Tourism and the Commodification of Indigenous Spirituality

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Ayahuasca tourism, driven by the desire for authentic cultural engagement, has led to the commodification and distortion of indigenous spiritual practices, reshaping ceremonies to cater to the expectations of Western experiential tourists. This section will delve into the practice of Ayahuasca tourism, which has seen a steady increase in popularity in recent decades. This section of tourism has emerged as a significant and controversial part of the cultural tourism present in Peru (Winkelman, 2005). This ritual involves the consumption of Ayahuasca, a psychedelic brew traditionally used by indigenous communities in the Amazon for healing and spiritual practices. Ayahuasca has found its place as a symbol of Indigenous spiritualism, providing tourists with a connection to nature, tranquility, and the ability for self-discovery. Increasingly in recent years, this practice has been exported to Western countries, in which ‘shamans’ administer the drug to groups (Winkelman, 2005).

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Cultural Significance of Ayahuasca

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Within the traditional context, Ayahuasca ceremonies are deeply spiritual communal events. The brew is consumed with the guidance of a shaman (each tribe having one dedicated shaman) who will facilitate the experience using music, chants, rituals and spiritual knowledge (Winkelman, 2005). The ceremonies are rooted in medicine and spirituality, which are intended to heal, guide, and allow better participants to communicate with the natural world Conklin and Graham (1995). While Ayahuasca tourism is marketed under the guise of ecotourism, in practice it is often divorced from the spiritual and cultural roots of its practice. Tourists, drawn by promises of enlightenment, healing, or adventure, enter the Amazon seeking transformative experiences. The growing demand and commercialisation has turned the tradition into a product, with ayahuasca retreats and ceremonies marketed as unique, life-changing opportunities Conklin and Graham (1995).

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Commodification and Misrepresentation

Cohen (1988) classified four different types of tourists: existential, experiential, recreational, and diversionary tourists. Ayahuasca tourism would fall under the classification of experiential tourists. These tourists are not just motivated by seeing new things or relaxing but instead wish to engage with the destination in a more participatory manner. These tourists value authentic meaningful connections which allow them to foster a connection with the local environment, traditions and people. This demand for authentic, meaningful engagement with indigenous cultures has contributed to the commodification of Ayahuasca ceremonies, reshaping them to meet tourists’ expectations.

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Within the traditional context, ayahuasca ceremonies are a collective practice embedded within the local community; while the ceremony itself allows for spiritual connection with local plants and animals, these ceremonies are also adopted into the local art, music, and symbolism of the community (Prayag et al., 2015). For the Shipibo people, the visions seen on Ayahuasca are incorporated into intricate patterns found on body painting, housing, ceramics, textiles, and tools (referred to as nishi-pai). Further, song patterns and melodies are interpreted by shamans and employed in the community's music composition (Prayag et al., 2015).

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Due to the pressures of tourism these ceremonies are often reshaped to create better suitability for the desires of western consumers.Indigenous shamans may modify rituals, omit complex spiritual teachings, or adopt simplified narratives to appeal to tourist sensibilities. Moreover, the growing demand for Ayahuasca has led to the emergence of untrained or non-indigenous facilitators offering ceremonies (Prayag et al., 2015). These facilitators often lack the spiritual and cultural knowledge required to conduct ceremonies safely and respectfully. 

 

The result is a dilution of the practice, where its spiritual significance is overshadowed by commercial interests. While ayahuasca tourism is creating revenue, much of this income is not flowing towards indigenous practitioners. The recent increase in tourists has created competition and tensions among shamans providing this service, who will often feel pressure to compromise their practice to maintain their competitiveness among others within the growing market (Prayag et al., 2015). In reflection of this Kavenská and Simonová (2015) notes an increase in people returning from ayahuasca experiences ‘traumatised and crazy’ as the shamans administering the drug are prioritising income and thus are providing Ayahuasca to those not mentally strong enough to handle the experience.

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Ayahuasca, the once sacred Amazonian ritual, can now be purchased around the world. While local Peruvian ceremonies cost around 200 dollars, often Western ceremonies cost over double this amount. The extent to which this practice has become commercialized, with outsiders making a profit from a traditional Indigenous practice, is a clear form of cultural appropriation in which those participating in Indigenous ceremonies may never come into contact with Indigenous people themselves Conklin and Graham (1995).As Lee (2014 p.83) states, “As the self seemingly becomes its own master in charting the routes to the sacred, it is also simultaneously exposed to market forces that are reshaping the consumptive trends in spiritual practice and realization”. In essence, the rise of the ‘spiritual’ in Western communities has also opened the avenue of the commodification of spirituality. Here, we can see that Westerners are no longer purchasing just Ayahuasca but indigenous spiritualism and the commodified performance to which it caters. Ayahuasca has become an essentialized performance of indigenous spirituality and culture through which Westerners can fulfill their fetish of spirituality.

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The experiential tourist desires cultural immersion, authenticity, personal growth, participation, local interaction, and ‘off the beaten path’ locations (Cohen, 1988). While these tourists intend to participate in as authentic an experience as possible, this is limited by their own interpretation of authenticity and the local's interpretation of how they think tourists should perceive them. Through this, the competitive market of tourism molds the experience provided for the tourist, along with the way Indigenous culture is practiced and presented. While authenticity is at the heart of these tourists' desires, commercial and market interests will inevitably override this in order to make the experience best suit the perceived desired needs of the tourist (Cohen 1998). Through this, Indigenous spirituality is fetishized, being adapted to represent the suited needs of the tourists and ignoring the spiritual culture and social meanings intended in practice. The cultural appropriation of Ayahuasca rituals, with language, narratives, and rituals being modified to suit tourists, represents a loss of authenticity from indigenous people over their own cultures (Cohen 1998).

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To conclude, Ayahuasca expresses the complex intersection between the commodification of indigenous spirituality and the desire of Western explorative tourists to experience a transformative, authentic experience. While Ayahuasca has a deep cultural and spiritual significance for indigenous communities, the growing tourist demand to participate in these ceremonies has led to its commercialization, distorting the original meaning behind the practice to meet tourist expectations. Through this demand, ceremonies are modified, simplified, or conducted by untrained shamans in order to cater to the pressures of the market, through which the spiritual integrity of the ritual is compromised (Cohen, 1988). The economic opportunities of these ceremonies are unevenly distributed, rarely benefiting the tourist companies and indigenous communities equally. The commercialization of this practice leads to the appropriation of spiritual practices, reducing them to their performative essence for tourists (Lee, 2014). Consequently, this undermines the autonomy of indigenous peoples over their own traditions. Thus, the rise of Ayahuasca tourism creates a paradox through which the pursuit of cultural immersion from tourists contributes to the erosion of the authenticity they wish to experience.

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These dispositions and practices manifest themselves through the utilisation of forms of capital. As the middle-class are “most ambiguously located in the social structure,” (Bourdieu, 1984) they are alienated from both poles of class distinction and are, thus, in a constant search for authenticity. While they may not possess significant economic resources, these middle-class groupings have cultural capital which they can leverage. Ultimately, we will see that the middle-class can utilise their habitus to be disproportionately represented in the climate change movement. Capital resources allow the middle-class “familiarity with and access to the legitimate, dominating culture,” facilitating their domination over the environmental field and maintaining their relative positions of power through social reproduction.

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Conclusion

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Through the case of indigenous tourism in Peru, we can observe how the expanding of the tourism economy in Greenland will affect the local culture through commodification and perceived authenticity. The relationship of tourism and indigenous communities reflects a nuanced dynamic between economic opportunity, cultural preservation and commodification.Tourism, while providing income often necessitates a performance of authenticity through which the expectations of outsiders are expressed, causing tension between genuine cultural expression and the pressures of the market (Cohen, 1988). Indigenous communities must navigate the challenge of economic survival while maintaining their cultural sovereignty, balancing preservation of tradition with the demands of modern tourism (Ingles, 2001).

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The commodification of indigenous practices as seen in Ayahuasca tourism, shows the complexities of this interaction. While tourism can serve as a method for preserving and revitalizing traditions, it also risks distorting and appropriating these practices to cater to external desires. This interaction reveals the impact of the global market economy on indigenous cultures, where survival often comes at the cost of reshaping their identity to align with touristic views and expectations.

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The narrative of tourism in Indigenous communities is that of a paradox. It simultaneously offers opportunity, exploitation, revitalization, commodification, autonomy and dependency. To address these challenges it is crucial to understand the struggles of indigenous peoples, and how their autonomy is affected by the global market, ensuring that cultural exchange enriches rather than erodes the heritage it seeks to showcase. Only by recognizing and understanding these inherent tensions can tourism truly both benefit the tourist and community which they seek to explore.

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References

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